Philadelphia Day of Remembrance • February 23, 2013
I am very happy to be with you today in Philadelphia, a city
that I think was the epicenter of Japanese American redress.
Why? Because Grayce Uyehara once lived here and Grayce Uyehara was the heart and soul of …
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Casper (WY) StarTribune
May 1 2007
WESTCHESTER COUNTY, N.Y. – Former Worland resident Mary Ujifusa, 86, died April 15, 2007, of complications following hip surgery at the Westchester Medical Center near New York City. She was born Mary Okugawa, the daughter of a machinist on the Santa Fe Railroad, on April 9, 1921, in La Junta, Colo.
On Dec. 1, 1940, she married Tom Ujifusa, whose family had been working on the railroad and farming in the Rairden/Durkee area north of Worland since 1904. Her children, Grant and Susan, were born in the old Worland hospital in 1942 and 1946.
During the 1950s and 1960s, she was a PTA leader, taught Sunday school at the Worland Methodist church and was an especially devoted 4-H Club leader. In 1986, she and her husband moved to Westchester County, N.Y., to be near the families of their two children.
The valedictorian of her class, she never had a chance to go to college. She made sure that her children did. Her son, Grant, governor of Boys State, graduated from Harvard and her daughter, Susan, governor of Girls State, graduated from Wellesley. Mary was even more proud of her grandchildren’s academic achievements. One graduated from Annapolis, another from Berkeley, and two from Harvard.
Upon her death, Ryozo Kato, the ambassador from Japan to the United States, wrote, “I mourn the passing of Mary Ujifusa. She was an immensely proud Japanese American and committed to equal rights for all Americans. A woman of fierce academic and practical intelligence, she had great impact on her son, Grant. And so it is my feeling that without her, redress for the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II might not have enjoyed the success that it did.”
Survivors include her children, a younger brother of Osaka, Japan; three younger sisters in the Denver area; five grandchildren, including an adopted child still in high school and one great-grandchild.
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Mar 31, 2021 — Shuichi Sam Ujifusa. Many Japanese Americans took up farming and ranching after settling in Wyoming, but few came here for those reasons.
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In Wall Street Journal Top Ten:
The Best Nonfiction of 2012
A Man and His Ship
By Steven Ujifusa (Simon & Schuster)
William Francis Gibbs (1886-1967) was one of the master builders of the ocean liner, obsessed with winning the Blue Riband for fastest Atlantic crossing. The design and construction of his greatest ship, the SS United States, is at the heart of this book, which like the best biographies becomes the portrait of an entire age. Steven Ujifusa’s work, our reviewer noted, is ultimately a compelling “history of the passenger ship, whose great days coincided with Gibbs’s lifetime.”
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Historian Steven Ujifusa recounts the life of naval architect William Francis Gibbs and his creation of the SS United States, a passenger liner…
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What Clinton and Trump say about school vouchers, Common Core and free college tuition, Sep 20, 2016
See Video
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Return to Okayama Oba-chan, Be Proud of Me
June 22, 2013
JNTO – Japan National Tourism Organization
Read
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Speech at the annual dinner of the Harvard Class of ‘65
I grew up on an alfalfa and barley farm 90 miles from Yellowstone in Wyoming. My wife Amy grew up on the Upper East Side of New York.
After we were married, I took her home to meet friends. Three of my teammates entertained her with a play-by-play of our football championship season. After which she told me that she was never, ever coming back to this place, and then had the strength of character to keep that promise to herself for 30 years.
But four years ago she returned to watch a geologist friend tap on a rock to expose a perfectly formed sea shell that he said had not seen the light of day for 60 million years. She became a fossil hunter at that very moment.
I asked my friend how old the dirt was on our farm. He said it has been the way it is for 20 million years — wash and fill that had come down from the Big Horn Mountains 35 miles away. Classmates, we now have a precise meaning for the expression “Older than dirt.”
Someday Amy and I will become part of Wyoming dirt, covered perhaps by a foot or much more of volcanic ash from the Yellowstone Caldera, now 36,000 years overdue. The entire prospect is not one altogether unhappy for us. One of 70 one-minute speeches given by the 70 members of the class attending.
Denny Yasuhara, Redress Champion
Read
Rose In Washington
Rose Ochi was the Director of Community Relations Services, and never, as asserted, an Assistant Attorney General, which would have made her among the top 15 officials in the Clinton Justice Department bureaucracy composed of 120,000 people. Her installation in the Community Relations position::
https://www.justice.gov/archive/ag/speeches/1998/0918crs.htm
“An excellent job of explaining what is truly effective American politics- direct action is sometimes a satisfactory emotional outlet, but rarely a useful political tool” – Rep Barney Frank
https://ddr.densho.org/narrators/98/
Japanese American History Museum: Redress: Oral History Project
Professor Steven Kelman examines how HR 442 once given virtually no chance to become law was enacted into law. Read More
The Book Behind Redress: Without Grant Ujifusa’s ‘Almanac of American Politics’ — and its immense prestige and clout in Washington — Japanese American redress would not have happened. All 535 members worry about what the Almanac says about them every two years
Chris Cillizza – Read article
A talk, revised and extended, given at the JACL National Convention in Las Vegas on July 15, 2015
Description of published book (Grant Ujifusa Segment 1) [2:04]
Family’s history in Wyoming (Grant Ujifusa Segment 2) [1:58]
Wyoming
Growing up Sansei (Grant Ujifusa Segment 3) [1:21] Postwar Wyoming
Being recruited for the redress movement (Grant Ujifusa Segment 4) [1:49] 1980-1989
The emotional impact of the commission hearings (Grant Ujifusa Segment 5) [3:59] 1980-1989 New York
Getting involved with the Japanese American Citizens League (Grant Ujifusa Segment 6) [3:21] 1980-1989
Changing political alignments (Grant Ujifusa Segment 7) [5:07] Postwar
Thoughts on being a liberal Republican in the fight for redress (Grant Ujifusa Segment 8) [2:01] Postwar
Formation of Legislative Education Committee of the JACL (Grant Ujifusa Segment 9) [1:21] 1980-1989
Encountering a particularly verbose opponent while lobbying Capitol Hill (Grant Ujifusa Segment 10) [2:51] 1980-1989 Washington, D.C.
Being introduced to Senator Daniel Inouye (Grant Ujifusa Segment 11) [3:16] 1980-1989 Washington, D.C.
Working with Senator Daniel Inouye (Grant Ujifusa Segment 12) [4:27] 1980-1989 Washington, D.C.
Getting votes, what the anti-abortion movement has in common with redress (Grant Ujifusa Segment 13) [1:12] 1980-1989 Washington, D.C.
Personal impact of involvement in redress movement (Grant Ujifusa Segment 14) [1:09]
Passing the torch (Grant Ujifusa Segment 15) [2:05]
To the New York Japanese Consulate
March 24, 2020
Dear Messers X and Y
You might be interested in a redress kenka laid out below. During the 1980s, a Minister Without Portfolio in the Nakasone cabinet, Hiraizumi Wataru, thought that Japanese Americans had the same clout in Washington as Jewish Americans. On Israel, for example. And by analogy, Japanese Americans – the JACL in particular – could be employed in the trade troubles Japan was then experiencing. This was a completely misbegotten policy idea, but it was put into play by the then Consul General in Los Angeles.
The gold-plated trips taken and the promise of other goodies to come for the JACL hierarchy put redress in great danger and had to be stopped. And it was by Ambassador and New York Consul General Ukawa Hidetoshi, who had over years become a friend of mine. After I talked to Ukawa about the issue, he said Nakasone was coming to New York in three weeks time and then said he would bring the issue up with the Prime Minister. Nakasone got the Hiraizumi JACL outreach stopped, and in my view, Japanese American redress, then hanging by a thread for other reasons as well, was saved.
The Japanese government, I think, liked the idea of Japanese American redress and supported it behind the scenes. Why? Because the Japanese government felt that internment was caused by racial prejudice, just as the feelings toward Toyota was in part the result of anti-Asian feeling. No such animus existed against Volkswagen of white Germany. Behind the scenes is where the Japanese government should have stayed.
Anyway, long ago it was, but it was not a good idea for anyone in the Japanese cabinet to get involved with Japanese American political efforts in Washington. We needed all the Lotto numbers to fall into place to get redress passed and enacted. The Japan Trade faction in the JACL hiearchy (see below) did not hold any of them. Absolutely to the contrary.
Stay healthy,
Grant Ujifusa
Dear HeyBooks Editor,
It is my sense that the manuscript you published was not fact checked. I say so because I was an editor of general interest books for 26 years at Houghton Mifflin, Random House, and Macmillan, and I am familiar with how things work in trade publishing. The subtitle is clearly incorrect because Mr. Tateishi was relieved of his duties at JACL in early 1986 when HR 442 was bottled up and left for dead in both the House and Senate, while it was all along publicly opposed by Reagan Administration. So the successful effort occurred after Mr. Tateishi was no longer a JACL staffer. He was and is therefore in no position whatever to tell any “inside story” of how the bill was passed and enacted into law. He was not around, long gone, when it was.
Mr. Tateishi was a vocal member of the so-called Japan Trade faction at National JACL when its Board met twice yearly in San Francisco This group wanted to back Japanese corporate and governmental interests while giving lip service only to redress — a hopeless enterprise to any sophisticated observer of our politics, supported, according to members of Japan Trade faction, only by the naïve teachers and social workers in the JACL rank and file.
There were huge fights between the two factions on the National Board whose minutes from the era — 1982 to 1986 – you should be able to consult. The Redress Faction wanted nothing to do with backing any Japanese interest, but to concentrate solely on redress in Washington. To be in bed with the Japanese in 1984 begged the question: What were you Japanese Americans up to in 1942? One story in a major media outlet, especially from one unsympathetic to us, would have doomed Japanese American redress. First you bomb Pearl Harbor and now you’re in bed with people who decimated Detroit and then bought Pebble Beach. And after that you’re asking our politicians to write everyone of you a check for $20,000?
For his support, Mr. Tateishi was given a gold-plated trip to Japan where he was received as a major American dignitary. Other benefits were to follow. In short, he sold out redress, while saying publicly that he “didn’t want JACL to become a single issue organization.”
The bill began to move only after JACL moved its redress effort to a non-taxable deductible entity called the Legislative Education Committee, headed by the indominable Grayce Uyehara of Philadelphia, the greatest
female Japanese American leader our community has yet to produce.
John is trying to take credit for the work Grayce did.
Grant Ujifusa
JACL Redress Strategy Chair
1982 – 1992
In 1980, the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians began hearing testimony from Japanese-Americans who, after the Pearl Harbor attack, were forced at gunpoint into prison camps throughout the desolate interior of the United States.
Initiated by Sen. Daniel Inouye, a Hawaii Democrat who lost an arm fighting the Nazis, the commission was largely conceived in order to establish a legal and political case in Congress against internment and for some kind of redress.
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THREAD: This is the most personal thing I’ve written as a journalist.
It’s about a remarkably unlikely movement that led to reparations for wrongs committed in wartime due to racism, greed, and fear. And it’s about my father’s role in it. https://t.co/dTmrn36ZYz pic.twitter.com/DIMNbJ3WWi
— Andrew Ujifusa (@AndrewUjifusa) January 8, 2020
The JACL Story of Redress
Grant Ujifusa
National Convention
July 21, 2018
Thank you, David, for inviting me to speak today. Let me say that I am so happy to be back among members of JACL, the organization that was so much part of my life during the most important years of my life.
Let me begin by asking all of you here at the Convention in Philadelphia to remember a JACLer from Philadelphia, Grayce Uyehara, who was the heart and the soul and the grit and the muscle of Japanese American redress. Also please remember the great and brilliant Cherry Kinoshita of Seattle.
Nothing ever escaped Cherry’s awareness of where redress was and what had to be done next. For me, Cherry was the single most intellectually gifted person in the redress movement. You should also remember Peggy Liggett of Fresno and May Takahashi of Clovis, both of whom who never tired of the work of redress.
I will say to you: No redress without these four women, powerhouses all and all forever unvanquished. As a matter of general fact, I would say that Japanese American women made redress happen. Among much else,
they were much more willing to lobby white Washington politicians face to face then were Japanese American men.
David asked me to speak to what lessons learned from the experience of redress might apply to the future of JACL as it seeks to advance the civil rights of Japanese Americans and all Americans in the years ahead. I would say four things.
First, the need for passionate and savvy leadership of the kind provided by Grayce, Cherry, Peggy, and May. I say savvy because none of them organized a single street demonstration, which while preaching to the choir, only riled up our opponents watching on local TV, the most powerful of whom was Republican Senator S. I. Hayakawa of California. He was sure
he had us stopped. More on Hayakawa later. Nor did the four JACL women write a single letter to Members of Congress from Topeka, Toledo, and everywhere else USA — letters that were never opened let alone read.
The youngest interns in the office were instructed to put letters not postmarked as coming from a Member’s home district in the round file. Why? Because writers of those letters can’t vote to re-elect any politician from Toledo.
At the White House, where mail was opened and counted for or against but not read, sentiment ran 6 to 1 against us. So for the impact of letter writing and street demonstrations on redress, I would say, as the Romans might have, “post hoc, ergo propter hoc.” Not hard to google that.
Second, the need for karma or luck, the kind when the 442 battlefield death of Sargent Kaz Masuda became part of the life of a 26-year-old movie star, Ronald Reagan, on December 9, 1945. Of redress karma I will speak in a moment.
Third, the need to win elections. A crucial example. When the Democrats retook the Senate in 1986, it was a win that opened the way for the tireless Spark Matsunaga, not Alan Simpson, to put together a filibuster-proof 69-vote, bi-partisan majority for our bill in the spring of 1988. Before the Democrats flipped the Senate, a Republican Committee Chairman, Bill Roth of Delaware, had kept S.1009 buried for years. Roth (and his wife, a federal district judge) simply hated what we were trying to do. But the new Chairman of Government Operations with jurisdiction over our bill,
Democrat John Glenn of Ohio, just loved Sparky.
So the answer is: no Senate flip, no redress. With a huge 76-seat Democratic majority in place, House passage in the fall of 1987 was easier, 243 to 141, once Barney Frank replaced Texas arch-conservative Democrat Sam Hall of Texas as Chairman of the House Judiciary subcommittee with jurisdiction over HR 442. Hall, like Roth, had our bill bottled up for years, while Barney powered HR 442 through the full committee and to commanding success on the House floor.
And fourth, a capacity to talk to the other side – the 1980s was a decade dominated politically by American conservatives, though they were conservatives mostly unlike Donald J. Trump. In 1987, Newt Gingrich and Dick Cheney were persuaded to vote for our bill. Now I want to tell you the JACL story of redress karma, of how Ronald Reagan, arguably the most conservative president of the 20th century and a longtime opponent of HR 442, came to sign our bill on August 10, 1988 – 30 years ago next month.
The hero of our story is Kazuo Masuda of Fountain Valley, California, where he grew up on a modest truck farm in then agricultural Orange County.
On August 27, 1944, Kaz was killed in action on the banks of the Arno River in Italy while serving as a member of the 442. Sergeant Masuda was 24 years old, and was to be awarded the Distinguished Service Cross. While Kaz trained at Camp Shelby in Mississippi, he would visit his mother and father and his sisters Mary and June, who were imprisoned not far away in Jerome, Arkansas.
During one of his visits, Kaz said to Mary that if anything happened to him, he wanted to be buried in his hometown cemetery in Fountain Valley. After Mary learned that Kaz had been killed, she got permission to travel to Fountain Valley, where she went to City Hall to make arrangements for her brother. But the town fathers there said to Mary: “We’re sorry, but we don’t bury japs in our cemetery.”
Somehow word got to General Vinegar Joe Stilwell. In the China-India theater, Stilwell was the commanding officer of Colonel Frank Merrill of Merrill’s Marauders – a group of 2700 men, including 15 Japanese Americans of the Military Intelligence Service. All of the Marauders, all of them volunteers, fought, and died, and distinguished themselves behind Japanese lines in Burma.
Tying down an entire Japanese division for a year was not the only thing they did for their country. The Marauders suffered an 80% casualty rate, when 15% is considered astronomical. Vinegar Joe respected and loved the Nisei soldier. So he got himself to Fountain Valley, and confronted the town fathers. The General said, “This soldier is going to be buried here, and I’m going to make an example of you SOBs and present the Distinguished Service Cross to Kaz’s mother at a nice ceremony.
The town fathers backed down. Invited to speak at the ceremony was a movie star, 26-year old Army Captain Ronald Reagan, a movie star. But there was a big problem: Kaz’s mother refused to accept the medal. What she felt was this: “They push us off our farm and into a scary camp next to a swamp. Then they take my son, and he comes back in box. And they want to give me a medal? No thank you.”
“But Mom, a General, General Stilwell is coming to give you the medal,” Mary said. “I don’t care who he is,” Mrs. Masuda said. “No thank you.”
Finally, it was arranged for Mary to accept the medal. After Stilwell spoke, Ronald Reagan got up and said: “The blood that has soaked into the sand is all one color.
America stands unique in the world, the only country not founded on race, but on a way – an ideal. Not in spite of, but because of our polyglot background, we have had all the strength in the world. That is the American way. “Mr. and Mrs. Masuda, just as one member of the family of Americans, speaking to another member, I want to say for what your son Kazuo did – thank you.”
Many Japanese Americans knew that Captain Reagan spoke at Kaz’s ceremony, but how could we get word into President Reagan to remind him? I saw and asked Bill Bennett, a graduate school friend, to help; then Ed Rollins, campaign manager for Reagan’s 1984 landslide; and then Richard Wirthlin, Reagan’s pollster. None of them could do anything.
After a meeting in the White House, Wirthlin called me and said that the top aides around Reagan were dead set against us. Wirthlin suggested that we hold off for a year. I said we couldn’t. We’d been at it for ten years and we were running out of gas.
At that time, the summer of 1987, I was book editor in New York, and one of my writers was Tom Kean, the Republican Governor of New Jersey. I turned to him for help. Tom said that the President was coming to New Jersey to campaign for Republican state legislative candidates in October, 1987. The Governor said he would bring up redress with the President as they travelled by limo around the state together. Reagan said to Tom that he thought Japanese Americans were sent to camp for protective custody – something California Senator S. I. Hayakawa told both the President and Attorney General Ed Meese. And “Sam,” as he was affectionately called by both men, also told them that upright, middle class Japanese Americans would never come to the government asking for money – only the group’s far left, like the campus radicals he pulled the plug on at San Francisco State. No Republican should give the radicals anything, Sam said.
In the limo, Tom said to Reagan, “No, no, it wasn’t protective custody and main stream Japanese American support redress.” The next day, Tom called me and said, “Write me a letter speaking to both points and I’ll get it to the
President using a special line of access for Republican governors.”
I said, “I can also get a letter from Kaz Masuda’s sister,saying please sign HR 442.” Tom said,” I’ll get her letter into him too.”
June Masuda Goto wrote:
Dear Mr. President:
Thank you for taking the time to read my letter. Perhaps you recall a very special day for our family, December 9, 1945, when you came to a ceremony honoring my brother Kaz Masuda in Fountain Valley, California…. The presence of you and General Stilwell greatly affected the community, and led to a better life for our family.
Many times I have been asked to speak at the Kazuo Masuda middle school. I speak to all the history classes, and quote your words to the students….
If HR 442 comes to you, I hope you will look upon it favorably. All of us in our family – and I believe Kaz as well — would be greatly honored if you would. I also believe that America, through you, would honor itself.”
The President read June’s letter, called Governor Kean, and said, “ I remember that ceremony for Kaz Masuda. I’m asking our people to reconsider everything .”
After the President signed our bill, June Masuda Goto was led up to the podium to meet him. The President leaned down toward her, and asked, “Are you Mary?” June answered, “No, Mary is dead. I’m her sister June.” The President then clasped June’s right hand in both of his.
A Buddhist priest served our family while I was growing up. He once said, “Where there is gratitude, there also is civilization.”
As we’re here together today, I think we can be grateful to Kaz Masuda and his heroism on the battlefield, and grateful to Kaz’s mother for resisting authority of the most imposing kind, and grateful to Mary for accepting life as it is, as it has to be; and grateful finally to General Stilwell for going the last mile to honor a fellow soldier.
We are the beneficiaries of the civilization that these four Americans helped to create. Grant Ujifusa, JACL’s Redress Strategy Chair, was knighted by the Government of Japan for reversing Ronald Reagan’s opposition to HR 442. He lives with his wife Amy in Chappaqua, New York.
Dear family and friends,
Amy and I have returned from ten days in Greece, as we continue to believe that traveling is better than shrinking and as we face the ROOT problem — ran out of time. Amy caught a rainbow over the Acropolis in a nice shot. Though battered of late as a center of Euro-centrism, Greek culture is not bad for one place for our civilization to have gotten a start.
I will send separately a statue at Delphi in which a youth, representing rationality, appears to be losing a struggle with a half man, half horse centaur, representing irrational bestiality. The story ends with the rational human being winning. That is the hope, and it seems to me in part, the reality of Western Civilization.
The Greek city-states all sent their best art to Delphi — a long 100 miles west and north of Athens. Why? Because the oracle provided those who came there with good advice. From a young woman fallen into a trance from inhaling vapors? Actually not. What she said or murmured was interpreted by some learned and worldly-wise priests who kept a voluminous library.
So if I went to Delphi to find out whether I should start a business to sell figs on the northern coast of the Black Sea, the priests will tell me about the risks and opportunities — local customs, existing competition, best time to sail there and back, etc. Religion plus McKinsey. The library was composed in part of records left by hard-headed merchant traders, not given to mysticism.
Grant
BY Grant Ujifusa
The 2019 JACL National Council should have known that adults among 5000 of the 12,000 No-No’s moved into Tule Lake were pro-Japan Renunciants, people who had renounced their American citizenship, with many asking for repatriation to Japan. These people openly wanted Tojo’s fascist Japan and Hitler’s Nazi Germany to win World War II.
Accordingly, the pro-Japan Renunciants were not as the JACL leadership and the 2019 National Council would have it, “unfairly labelled disloyal,” but by their open and public behavior at Tule Lake and earlier assuredly gave “aid and comfort to the enemy.” In short, the pro-Japan people were disloyal.
Many Renunciants were so fervent in their beliefs that they asked to be repatriated while the war raged, and some were exchanged for American POWs in the Indian Ocean. The rest staged rallies celebrating Japanese victories in which America soldiers were killed and captured, as the Renunciants marched around Tule Lake, shouting makenai: Japan can never lose a war. Not possible for a nation of samurai.
And so Tule Lake became the only place in the country where a group of Japanese Americans could exercise their First Amendment rights — ironically, rights that they had explicitly renounced, including the right to express a belief in the racial superiority of the Yamato people.
And to these racists, JACL, a civil rights organization, is to apologize? And to apologize for exactly what? For the Renunciants holding firm to their rights as Americans while JACL folded when the opposite is true? That somehow JACL victimized the pro-Japan fanatics when the opposite is true, as the b fanatics verbally harassed and physically intimidated JACL members, its leadership, and families with sons who joined the 442.
Taking a cue from Japanese Army officers who assassinated public figures they didn’t like, eight of the fanatics brutally assaulted JACL President Saburo Kido in the presence of his wife and child. This is called terror. The thugs, including one of them who wielded a club, later served jail time. That Kido spent weeks in a hospital was not the only reason that all of the pro-Japan No’s No’s were removed to Tule Lake.
Using fear, the fanatics wanted to control and dominate opinion in all of the camps. Had they succeeded in overpowering the wartime leadership of Mike Masaoka and JACL, the existence of the camps would have become forever justified and the place of Japanese Americans in their country after the war, frighteningly uncertain.
The proponents of apology are apparently ignorant of the history of World War II. It was a horror in which the cult of the Divine Emperor and the deification of the Aryan race produced the most prolific butchers in the history of the world: the Japanese and German militarists. Some 70 million people died in World War II, who knows how many of them victims of Japanese atrocities after Japanese victories in China and the Philippines.
The proponents of the apology do know that the MIS fought Tojo in the Pacific and the 442 fought Hitler in Italy and France, where many still lie dead, now dishonored by the 2019 JACL National Council.
At some venue it would be fitting for representatives of the Renunciants to
apologize to the Kido family (which included son-in-law Edison Uno), to Mike Masaoka and the Army unit he brought into being — the Nisei men of the 442 RCT – and to Gold Star mothers of the Japanese American community.
As Gerald Yamada has said, the pro-Japan Renunciants and their families are going to have to live with the reality of decisions made long ago, apology or no apology. Sometimes people choose to line up on the wrong side of history, like the Confederate stalwarts of the Civil War who fought to keep the slaves enslaved and lost. Japan lost the war to colonize and enslave East Asia. And so today and tomorrow, neither the Confederate nor the Renunciant bell can ever be unrung.
By Grant Ujifusa
A speech given in part to the 50th Reunion, Harvard Class of 1965, on
May 26, 2015 in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and given in its entirety to the
annual meeting of the New York JACL Chapter on May 7, 2016.
June 17th, 2013
Interview: Japanese American Grant Ujifusa Defied Odds in Face of Historic U.S. Error